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Thomas L. FriedmanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Content Warning: This section cites accounts of war violence, as well as criticisms of Arab culture that some readers may find offensive.
Founded in 1964 in Cairo, the PLO was designed to organize various political parties and militias struggling for Palestinian statehood and place them under a single organizational umbrella. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser was hoping that a unified body would be easier for him to control, but after suffering a bruising defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War, followed by his death in 1970, the PLO gradually asserted itself as a powerful entity in its own right. As Friedman describes, its success was due in no small part to the charismatic leadership of Yasser Arafat, whose ability to switch between militancy and diplomacy made him popular in Arab and Western circles alike. Expelled from its Jordanian sanctuary during the ‘Black September’ of 1970, the PLO established bases in Lebanon, which prompted the Israeli invasion of June 1982. Forced to settle in faraway Tunis, Arafat gradually opened up a peace process with Israel while struggling to contain the more militant factions within his own organization. Following the Oslo Accords of 1993, Arafat recognized Israel, which in turn recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Also known as the Kataeb, the Phalanges are a Lebanese political party historically focused on advancing the interests of its Christian Maronite community and restricting the political power of Muslims and Druse (members of an esoteric religious sect prevalent in the Levant). The party was founded in 1936 by Pierre Gameyel, the name intentionally borrowed from the Spanish Falange Party of Francisco Franco, a party with both fascist and traditional Catholic elements. Under Pierre’s sons, Bashir and Amin, the Phalanges held on to the formal institutions of state power through much of the Lebanese Civil War but struggled to control the city of Beirut, with the army often relying on private militias for support. After Bashir’s assassination in 1982 and the ineffective rule of Amin, the party went into decline, although it continues to play a role in Lebanese politics and retains seats in its Parliament. It maintains some popularity among those who resent the increased role of the Shi’a militia Hezbollah, which not only holds positions in government but also retains a private militia. The party remains under the leadership of the Gemayel family.
Meaning “the Party of God,” Hezbollah is a Shi’a militant group based in southern Lebanon. They make a handful of appearances throughout Friedman’s book as severe religious fanatics who impose a strict version of Islamic law on the sections of Beirut under their control. They claimed to be fighting for the welfare of Lebanon’s traditionally marginalized Shi’a community, but since their formation in 1982 they have had close ties with the Shi’a theocratic government in Iran and were largely understood to have represented Iran’s interests in the Lebanese Civil War. While this was not clear at the time of Friedman’s writing, it is now generally accepted that they bore at least partial responsibility for the attack on the US Marines barracks in October 1983. After the end of the civil war in 1990, Hezbollah refused to disarm, citing the continued presence of Israel in southern Lebanon. Ever since, they have continued to pose a military threat to Israel, while so sponsoring and conducting many terrorist attacks against Jews around the world. Hezbollah also operates as a political party in Lebanon, providing a host of social services and sending delegates to its national parliament.
Meaning “Bloc of the Faithful,” this was an ultra-Orthodox movement within Judaism that took shape in the aftermath of the Six-Day War. Israeli forces occupied the Arab-majority territories of the West Bank and Gaza, and Gush Emunim argued that, as part of the biblical Israel, that land belonged to the Jews, and only when Jews came to populate the entire area would the Messiah return. Gush Emunim sponsored waves of settlers to seize portions of Palestinian land, and a movement known as the Jewish Underground was motivated by Gush Emunim ideology when it attempted to bomb the Al-Aqsa Mosque (also known as the Dome of the Rock) in Jerusalem. The movement itself fell apart in the wake of the failed plot, but its ideology continues to exercise enormous influence in Israeli society, and the settler movement has continued to expand.
From the Arabic for “shaking off,” this term was applied to a sudden and massive outburst of collective protest against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza after an Israeli truck driver accidentally killed four Palestinian workers outside of a Gazan refugee camp. Almost immediately after the accident, young boys started hurling stones at Israeli soldiers. The Israeli military and police cracked down, often brutally, but resistance was so widespread and determined as to present a major political problem for the Jewish state. One of the most significant developments to emerge from the Intifada was the acceleration of the peace process. PLO chairman Yasser Arafat was similarly interested in negotiating, as his organization had been based in Tunis during the Intifada, and the protests threatened to sideline him entirely. The Intifada ultimately ended in 1993 when the Oslo Accords brought about mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO, but another even deadlier Intifada broke out in 2000 after the peace process failed to achieve many of its promised outcomes.
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